Workers Vanguard No. 1019 |
8 March 2013
|
Exposed U.S. Imperialist Crimes-Hail Bradley Manning! Free Him Now!
After enduring nearly three years of detention, at times under
torturous conditions, on February 28 Army Private Bradley Manning confessed that
he had provided WikiLeaks a trove of military and diplomatic documents that
exposed U.S. imperialist schemes and wartime atrocities. Manning’s guilty plea
on ten of 22 counts against him could land him in prison for 20 years. But this
pound of flesh is not enough for the imperialist rulers, who not only seek
vengeance but are also determined to silence anyone perceived as an obstacle to
their designs for world domination. A day after Manning confessed, military
prosecutors announced plans to try him on the remaining counts, including
“aiding the enemy” and violating the Espionage Act. Trial is expected to begin
in early June. If convicted on these charges, Manning faces life in prison.
In lifting a bit of the veil of secrecy and lies with which the
capitalist rulers cover their depredations, Bradley Manning performed a great
service to workers and oppressed around the world. All who oppose the
imperialist barbarity and machinations revealed in the material he provided must
join in demanding his immediate freedom. Also crucially important is the defense
of Julian Assange against the vendetta by the U.S., Britain and their cohorts,
who are attempting to railroad him to prison by one means or another for his
role in running WikiLeaks.
In a 35-page statement he read to the military court after entering
his plea, Manning told of his journey from nearly being rejected in basic
training to becoming an army intelligence analyst. In that capacity he came
across mountains of evidence of U.S. duplicity and war crimes. The materials he
provided to WikiLeaks included military logs documenting 120,000 civilian deaths
in Iraq and Afghanistan and a formal military policy of covering up torture,
rape and murder. A quarter-million diplomatic cables address all manner of
lethal operations within U.S. client states, from the “drug war” in Mexico to
drone strikes in Yemen. He also released files containing assessments of
detainees held at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. These documents show that the government
continued to hold many who, Manning stated, were believed or known to be
innocent, as well as “low level foot soldiers that did not have useful
intelligence.”
The Pentagon declared war against WikiLeaks following the release
of a video, conveyed by Manning, of a 2007 U.S. Apache helicopter airstrike in
Iraq that killed at least 12 people, including two Reuters journalists. American
forces are then shown firing on a van that pulled up to help the victims.
Manning said he was most alarmed by the “bloodlust they appeared to have.” He
described how instead of calling for medical attention for a seriously wounded
individual trying to crawl to safety, an aerial crew team member “asks for the
wounded person to pick up a weapon so that he can have a reason to engage.”
By January 2010, Manning said, he “began to become depressed with
the situation that we found ourselves increasingly mired in year after year” and
decided to make public many of the documents he had backed up as part of his
work as an analyst. Manning first offered the materials to the Washington
Post and the New York Times. Not getting anywhere with these pillars
of the bourgeois press establishment, in February 2010 he made his first
submission to WikiLeaks. He attached a note advising that “this is possibly one
of the more significant documents of our time removing the fog of war and
revealing the true nature of twenty-first century asymmetric warfare. Have a
good day.”
The charge of “aiding the enemy”—i.e., Al Qaeda—is especially
ominous. This used to mean things like military sabotage and handing over
information on troop movements to a battlefield enemy. In Manning’s case, the
prosecution claims that the very act of publicizing U.S. military and diplomatic
activities, some of which took place years before, amounted to “indirect”
communication with Al Qaeda. Manning told the court that he believed that public
access to the information “could spark a domestic debate on the role of the
military and our foreign policy in general.” He hoped that this “might cause
society to reevaluate the need or even the desire to engage in counterterrorism
and counterinsurgency operations that ignore the complex dynamics of the people
living in the affected environment everyday.” But by the lights of the
imperialists’ war on terror, any exposure of their depredations can be construed
as support to the “terrorist” enemy, whoever that might be.
The Pentagon intends to call no fewer than 141 witnesses in its
show trial, including four people to testify anonymously. One of them,
designated as “John Doe,” is believed to be a Navy SEAL who participated in the
raid that killed Osama bin Laden. “Doe” is alleged to have grabbed three disks
from bin Laden’s Abbottabad, Pakistan, compound on which was stored four files’
worth of the WikiLeaks material provided by Manning. Also reportedly retrieved
from bin Laden’s hard drives was a trove of American porn videos. Are Obama
& Co. planning to put the owners of Vivid Entertainment in the dock as well?
Nor do charges under the Espionage Act have to have anything to do
with actual spying. The law was one of an array of measures adopted to
criminalize antiwar activity after U.S. imperialism’s entry into the First World
War. It mandated imprisonment for any act deemed to interfere with the
recruitment of troops. Among its first and most prominent victims was Socialist
Party spokesman Eugene V. Debs, who was jailed for a June 1918 speech at a
workers’ rally in Canton, Ohio, where he denounced the war as capitalist
slaughter and paid tribute to the leaders of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution.
Dozens of Industrial Workers of the World organizers were also thrown into
prison. So broad was the law’s reach that Robert Goldstein, producer of the
movie The Spirit of ’76, was convicted and originally sentenced to ten
years on the grounds that the film’s depiction of the brutality of British
soldiers during the American Revolution would undermine support for a U.S.
wartime ally!
In the early 1970s, the Nixon government tried, unsuccessfully, to
use this law to go after Daniel Ellsberg, whose release of the Pentagon Papers
to the New York Times shed light on the history of U.S. imperialism’s
losing war against the Vietnamese workers and peasants. Obama has happily picked
up Nixon’s mantle. Manning’s prosecution will be the sixth time the Obama
administration has used the Espionage Act against the source of an unauthorized
leak of classified information—more than the combined total under all prior
administrations since the law’s enactment in 1917. As we have repeatedly
stressed, Barack Obama, who came into office with broad support from liberals
and the left, is simply carrying out his duties as Commander-in-Chief, stepping
up attacks on democratic rights to pave the way for further imperialist
depredations and attacks on the workers and oppressed at home.
Noting his initial uncertainty about releasing the diplomatic
cables, Manning remarked that he had “once read and used a quote on open
diplomacy written after the First World War and how the world would be a better
place if states would avoid making secret pacts and deals with and against each
other.” He added, “I thought these cables were a prime example of a need for a
more open diplomacy.”
Behind the imperialists’ diplomatic skullduggery—conducted at times
with and at times against one another—is their drive to exploit the world’s
workers and oppressed in accord with their distinct interests. The Obama
administration’s vicious retaliation against both Manning and Assange shows that
nothing in this regard has changed since revolutionary leader Leon Trotsky in
November 1917 described secret diplomacy as “a necessary tool for a propertied
minority which is compelled to deceive the majority in order to subject it to
its interests.” Trotsky, co-leader with V.I. Lenin of the 1917 October
Revolution, made this point in a statement he issued as Commissar for Foreign
Affairs of the newly fledged Soviet workers state. Trotsky was announcing the
publication and abrogation of secret treaties hatched by the prior tsarist
regime as well as the bourgeois Provisional Government with their imperialist
allies.
One of the first acts of the Soviet government was to issue a
decree on peace removing Russia from the slaughter of interimperialist World War
I and demanding of all belligerents a “just, democratic” peace without
annexations or indemnities. The Soviet newspaper Izvestia soon began
publication of treaties concluded during the war. Lenin and Trotsky’s Bolshevik
Party was driven by the perspective of world proletarian revolution. Indeed, the
October Revolution was a beacon of liberation for the exploited and oppressed in
the advanced capitalist countries and in the colonial and semicolonial world.
Along with the Soviet government’s renunciation of predatory agreements reached
by prior regimes, the publication of the treaties helped spark waves of struggle
by those under the boot heel of the imperialists, whose dirty deals were now
laid bare.
For proletarian revolutionaries, the materials provided by Manning
are of real value in opening the eyes of the world’s working people to the
systematic violence and lies that prop up capitalist rule. Opponents of
imperialist occupations and war must be won to the understanding that it will
require a series of socialist revolutions to put an end to the capitalist order.
It is to provide the necessary leadership to the proletariat in this struggle
that we are committed to forging Leninist-Trotskyist parties around the
world.
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