In Honor Of The 98^th Anniversary Of The Irish Easter Uprising, 1916-Sean Flynn’s Fight-Take Three  

 

 

A word on the Easter Uprising

In the old Irish working-class neighborhoods where I grew up the aborted Easter Uprising of 1916 was spoken of in mythical hushed reverent tones as the key symbol of the modern Irish liberation struggle from bloody England. The event itself provoked such memories of heroic “boyos”  (and “girlos” not acknowledged) fighting to the end against great odds that a careful analysis of what could, and could not be, learned from the mistakes made at the time entered my head. That was then though in the glare of boyhood infatuations. Now is the time for a more sober assessment. 

The easy part of analyzing the Irish Easter Uprising of 1916 is first and foremost the knowledge, in retrospect, that it was not widely supported by people in Ireland, especially by the “shawlies” in Dublin and the cities who received their sons’ military pay from the Imperial British Army for service in the bloody trenches of Europe which sustained them throughout the war. That factor and the relative ease with which the uprising had been militarily defeated by the British forces send in main force to crush it lead easily to the conclusion that the adventure was doomed to failure. Still easier is to criticize the timing and the strategy and tactics of the planned action and of the various actors, particularly in the leadership’s underestimating the British Empire’s frenzy to crush any opposition to its main task of victory in World War I. (Although, I think that frenzy on Mother England’s part would be a point in the uprising’s favor under the theory that England’s [or fill in the blank of your favorite later national liberation struggle] woes were Ireland’s [or fill in the blank ditto on the your favorite oppressed peoples struggle] opportunities.

The hard part is to draw any positive lessons of that national liberation struggle experience for the future. If nothing else remember this though, and unfortunately the Irish national liberation fighters (and other national liberation fighters later, including later Irish revolutionaries) failed to take this into account in their military calculations, the British (or fill in the blank) were savagely committed to defeating the uprising including burning that colonial country to the ground if need be in order to maintain control. In the final analysis, it was not part of their metropolitan homeland, so the hell with it. Needless to say, cowardly British Labor’s position was almost a carbon copy of His Imperial Majesty’s. Labor Party leader Arthur Henderson could barely contain himself when informed that James Connolly had been executed. That should, even today, make every British militant blush with shame. Unfortunately, the demand for British militants and others today is the same as then if somewhat attenuated- All British Troops Out of Ireland.

In various readings on national liberation struggles I have come across a theory that the Easter Uprising was the first socialist revolution in Europe, predating the Bolshevik Revolution by over a year. Unfortunately, there is little truth to that idea. Of the Uprising’s leaders only James Connolly was devoted to the socialist cause. Moreover, while the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army were prototypical models for urban- led national liberation forces such organizations, as we have witnessed in later history, are not inherently socialistic. The dominant mood among the leadership was in favor of political independence and/or fighting for a return to a separate traditional Irish cultural hegemony. (“Let poets rule the land”).

As outlined in the famous Proclamation of the Republic posted on the General Post Office in Dublin, Easter Monday, 1916 the goal of the leadership appeared to be something on the order of a society like those fought for in the European Revolutions of 1848, a left bourgeois republic. A formation on the order of the Paris Commune of 1871 where the working class momentarily took power or the Soviet Commune of 1917 which lasted for a longer period did not figure in the political calculations at that time. As noted above, James Connolly clearly was skeptical of his erstwhile comrades on the subject of the nature of the future state and apparently was prepared for an ensuing class struggle following the establishment of a republic.

That does not mean that revolutionary socialists could not support such an uprising. On the contrary, Lenin, who was an admirer of Connolly for his anti-war stance in World War I, and Trotsky stoutly defended the uprising against those who derided the Easter rising for involving bourgeois elements. Participation by bourgeois and petty bourgeois elements is in the nature of a national liberation struggle. The key, which must be learned by militants today, is who leads the national liberation struggle and on what program. As both Lenin and Trotsky made clear later in their own experiences in Russia revolutionary socialists have to lead other disaffected elements of society to overthrow the existing order. There is no other way in a heterogeneous class-divided society. Moreover, in Ireland, the anti-imperialist nature of the action against British imperialism during wartime on the socialist principle that the defeat of your own imperialist overlord in war as a way to open the road to the class struggle merited support on that basis alone. Chocky Ar La.

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Sean Flynn could still taste that acrid smell of smoke in his lungs long after the last flicker of battle, long after they had known that they had made major miscalculations about the enemy, about the savagery of dear Mother England when she wanted to keep her little child Ireland close to her bosom. He remembered the hard fighting, the loses of game comrades when the British pulled the hammer down, while the Dublin crowds in particular, watched in stony silence (or maybe and this is the insidious nature of the oppressor, the effect the oppressor has on the psyche of the oppressed, with some secret desire to see the “boyos” lose and return to normalcy). He would never forget his own flight to the north where he hid out for many days until the coast was clear. That escape had been a close thing since he had carried a small wound from the rear-guard fight around their, the British, General Post Office in Dublin (he would never call that institution, even after independence anything but their building). And he would never forget the lessons that he had learned about what a serious struggle for national liberation entailed.

Mostly though, and that smoke in his lungs was constant reminder, he would always remember how the bloody British, the most civilized nation on Earth to hear the paid historians tell the story, thought nothing of burning down their jewel colonial capital city to the ground rather than to let Ireland breath free and make its own mistakes. That had been the major error in the thinking of the various leader even of the lost lamented martyr James Connolly; thinking that the English the throes of war in Europe would not scramble whatever was necessary to suppress the uprising including that needless burning of the town. Surely there had been other miscalculations and mistakes; not having a coordinated plan, not abandoning the uprising temporarily when a serious consensus could not be met on the timing of the rising; of going with a few, too few, men expecting the population to rise up once the spark had been ignited, various tactical military blunders which only added to the tragic outcome and so on. But in the end the biggest mistake was to underestimate the capacity of the British to display the same kind of savagery and stupidity as they had in trench-filled Europe or in previous places of native uprisings in Africa, Asia and India.

Just then though Sean, a little cough in his throat, maybe really a lump, thought about the brave lads that he had fought with then who had gone to meet their maker, including his older brother Seamus who snuck him into the Citizens’ Army to begin with when he was just a lad. There was Ian O’Riley who fell early to an advanced British guard when they tried to storm the front door by force, Seamus Barry killed by a sniper’s bullet, stout-hearted Liam Murphy who faced down a British patrol and paid with his life for that deed, and of course, his old friend Bucko Bailey who stayed behind drawing fire as the last remnant, including one Sean Flynn, made their passage out of the firestorm that had become Dublin. But most of all his missed the “Chief,” James Connolly, who, wounded and all, was strapped to a chair and executed by those bloody British bastards. They would long rue the day when they let Connolly near lethal weapons which he learned how to handle when he was in their Army as a lad, and they would longer still rue the day when they shot a brave man like a dog. Chocky Ar La.