The
struggle continues
06/03/2013
Millions
of Venezuelan workers, the poor and youth will mourn the death of Venezuelan
president, Hugo Chavez
Tony
Saunois, CWI Secretary
In
an era when the gap between establishment politicians, who defend big
business and the super-rich, and the masses seems to widen inexorably Chavez
stood out. In fact in the age of austerity the measures he took to alleviate
poverty stood out like a beacon.
The
workers and youth in Venezuela will be joined by many around the globe who have
been inspired to support Hugo Chavez's regime as offering an alternative to
imperialism, neoliberalism and capitalism.
Meanwhile
the most pernicious right-wing capitalist commentators have wasted neither time
nor ink in their outpourings of hatred of his regime.
The
mourning of his passing and anger at these attacks must be channelled into a new
stage of working class struggle for socialism in Venezuela and
internationally.
Capitalist
commentators' hypocrisy
Since
his death numerous articles have denounced Chavez, and his regime, as an
"autocrat", a "dictator", a "caudillo". Some have tried to depict his death as
the end of another failed socialist regime.
The
torrent of bile from these commentators was first readied in the hope he'd be
defeated in the Venezuelan presidential elections in October 2012, but had to be
shelved at the time. Against the expectations of the international capitalist
media and its politicians Chavez romped home for a third term with 55% of the
vote, on a turnout of 80%, a result any incumbent capitalist politician in
Europe can only dream of.
These
self-same commentators deafened us with their silence during the attempted coup
in 2002 - backed by US imperialism. When these alleged champions of democracy
attack Chavez they brush to one side the fact that Chavez has faced 17 elections
and referendums since 1998 and won 16 of them.
They,
and the capitalist politicians behind them, cannot abide the fact that a leader
who spoke of "socialism" and the "socialist revolution" and who came into
conflict with US imperialism and the capitalist class could win such popular
support. They also fear the potential revolutionary movement of the masses which
Chavez rested upon.
"Por
ahora" - "For now"
Chavez
himself did not emerge as a political leader with a rounded out ideology or
programme. He has empirically embraced different ideas - swept along by events
as they have unfolded.
Chavez
was swept to power in 1998 with overwhelming support. Initially he only spoke of
a "Bolivarian revolution" and reform of the old corrupt system. Chavez, like
thousands in Venezuela, including junior army officers of which he was one, was
radicalised by the "Caracazo" which rocked Venezuela in 1989.
Carlos
Perez had won an election opposing the neoliberalism of the IMF. However, he
undertook a sharp U-turn and introduced a "shock therapy" of neoliberalism. It
triggered a mass uprising of the urban poor. The army was deployed and an
estimated 3,000 were slaughtered. Chavez's right-wing opponents have little to
say on these events. He was however radicalised and affected by these
horrors.
He
led a left populist military revolt in 1992 against the murderous Perez
government. As the coup was defeated he proclaimed the "revolution is ended. For
now". "Por ahora" was to become ingrained in the minds of the masses.
Released
from prison two years later, he built support and stormed to power in the 1998
election as the mass of the population demanded an end to neoliberalism and
demanded change.
The
limited but popular reforms his government introduced, paid for with the
country's oil wealth, were enough to enrage the ruling elite which attempted a
coup in 2002 followed by a lockout. After 48 hours the coup collapsed and Chavez
was brought back to Caracas and to power. During the coup the masses poured onto
the streets to oppose the new right-wing regime and a revolt by the ranks of the
army and its junior officers.
Right-wing
coup in 2002
At
this moment the situation erupted as the right-wing coup led by Pedro Carmona
collapsed, making a decisive blow against the ruling class and capitalism. The
working class and poor had the opportunity to take over the running of society.
Unfortunately, at this moment Chavez opted to call for "national unity" and an
agreement with sections of the capitalist class.
The
lockout was broken after a 12-month struggle. On each occasion Chavez was saved
by the mass movement from below.
These
events enormously radicalised Chavez who by 2005 had begun to speak about the
"socialist revolution". It was in this period that he also made reference to the
ideas of one of the leaders of the Russian Revolution, Leon Trotsky, as well as
to Karl Marx and called for the formation of a Fifth International.
This
enraged both the Venezuelan ruling class and US imperialism. Nationalisations
and partial nationalisations of significant companies were carried through. The
introduction of a basic but free health service and widespread education and
literacy programmes enormously enhanced the popularity of the government.
Significantly, in the 2006 election - following this turn to the left - Chavez
won his largest electoral victory, taking over 62% of the vote!
This
development has had an enormously positive effect in putting the issue of
socialism back onto the agenda in Venezuela and to an extent in Latin America
and internationally. The idea of the "revolution" and even "socialism" and
radical reform is overwhelmingly dominant in the consciousness of a majority of
Venezuelans. This is Chavez's positive legacy. There is a clear rejection of any
idea of returning to the 'ancien régime'.
Blows
to capitalism, but no decisive break
However,
despite the radical phraseology, in response to the global economic crisis which
began in in 2007, Chavez, and the Bolivarian government, rather than drive
forward with a programme to break with capitalism, moved in the opposite
direction.
Blows
were struck but without defeating it the capitalist class remained in control.
From within the Bolivarian a new force has also emerged - the
'boli-bourgeoisie', a powerful layer in society which has grown rich on the
backs of the Chavez movement.
This,
combined with the emergence of a powerful bureaucracy, and deteriorating
economic situation, has meant that despite the popular reforms, which the CWI
supports, massive social problems of poverty, unemployment, corruption violence
and crime remain. These continue and arise from the failure to abolish
capitalism.
Combined
with a top down administrative approach from the bureaucracy and the lack of a
democratic workers' control and management in the revolutionary process, while
Chavez has enjoyed massive support, it has also resulted in widespread
discontent and frustration. Recent strikes by teachers and metal workers have
been repressed by the state, all measures which have given a weapon to the right
to beat the regime.
Transform
socialist aspirations into a reality
If
right-wing candidate Henrique Capriles and the right in Venezuela hope that
Chavez's death will mean an easy ride for them back to power then they are
mistaken. Despite the discontent the idea of supporting the revolutionary
process, of the idea of socialism and defence of the reforms is deeply ingrained
in Venezuelan society.
In
the short term it is most likely to mean a victory for Nicolas Maduro, the
vice-president, named by Chavez as his successor, in the elections. A rallying
of Chavez's supporters and the mass of the poor to defeat the right is already
developing. Capriles and the right are, like Maduro, appealing for calm, peace
and unity. The right feel their weakness and are being careful not to provoke a
backlash from the masses.
While
the pernicious right-wing commentators have used Chavez's death to beat their
hypocritical anti-socialist drum, other sections of capitalism and imperialism
have been more cautious. US president Barack Obama's cautious statement, along
with British Foreign Secretary William Hague, is aimed at opening a new era of
cooperation with a future Maduro-led government. They have concluded the
right-wing are unlikely electoral victors and therefore have left the door open
for attempts to collaborate with a new "Chavista" government.
Maduro
and the leadership will not have the same authority as Chavez and a new era will
open following the elections. Divisions between the different currents within
Chavismo may open following the elections. Sections of the ruling class are
looking for this as a means of ultimately defeating the Chavista movement.
Such
prospects underline the urgent necessity of the working class and the poor to
rally to defeat the right but then to take the revolutionary process into its
own hands with its own independent organisation and programme to transform the
"socialist aspirations" raised by Chavez into a reality. The death of Chavez
marks not the end of the struggle. A new chapter will now begin.
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