In
Honor Of Russian Revolutionary Vladimir Lenin’s Birthday (April 1870-Janaury 1924)-The
Struggle Continues-Ivan Smilga’s Political Journey-Take Two
From The Pen Of Frank Jackman
For several years I have been honoring various revolutionary forbears, including the subject of this birthday tribute, the Russian Bolshevik Vladimir Lenin architect (along with fellow revolutionary Leon Trotsky) of the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 each January under the headline-Honor The Three L’s –Lenin, Luxemburg , Liebknecht. My purpose then was (and still is) to continue the traditions established by the Communist International in the early post-World War I period to honor revolutionary forbears. That month has special significance since in the month of January leftists honor those three leading revolutionaries who died in that month, V.I. Lenin of Russia in his sleep after a long illness in 1924, and Karl Liebknecht of Germany and Rosa Luxemburg of Poland in 1919 murdered after leading the defeated Spartacist uprising in Berlin.
I have made my political points about the heroic Karl Liebknecht and his parliamentary fight against the German war budget in World War I on some previous occasions. I have also made some special point in previous years about the life of Rosa Luxemburg, “the Rose of the Revolution.” This month, the month of his birth, it is appropriate, at a time when the young needs to find a few good heroes, to highlight the early struggles of Vladimir Lenin, the third L, as he attempted to define himself politically. Below is a sketch of a young fictional labor militant, although not so fictional in the scheme of the revolutionary developments in Russia under the Tsar toward the end of the 19th century and early 20th century. This sketch should help define the problems facing the working-class there then, and perhaps now as well.
From The Pen Of Frank Jackman
For several years I have been honoring various revolutionary forbears, including the subject of this birthday tribute, the Russian Bolshevik Vladimir Lenin architect (along with fellow revolutionary Leon Trotsky) of the October Revolution in Russia in 1917 each January under the headline-Honor The Three L’s –Lenin, Luxemburg , Liebknecht. My purpose then was (and still is) to continue the traditions established by the Communist International in the early post-World War I period to honor revolutionary forbears. That month has special significance since in the month of January leftists honor those three leading revolutionaries who died in that month, V.I. Lenin of Russia in his sleep after a long illness in 1924, and Karl Liebknecht of Germany and Rosa Luxemburg of Poland in 1919 murdered after leading the defeated Spartacist uprising in Berlin.
I have made my political points about the heroic Karl Liebknecht and his parliamentary fight against the German war budget in World War I on some previous occasions. I have also made some special point in previous years about the life of Rosa Luxemburg, “the Rose of the Revolution.” This month, the month of his birth, it is appropriate, at a time when the young needs to find a few good heroes, to highlight the early struggles of Vladimir Lenin, the third L, as he attempted to define himself politically. Below is a sketch of a young fictional labor militant, although not so fictional in the scheme of the revolutionary developments in Russia under the Tsar toward the end of the 19th century and early 20th century. This sketch should help define the problems facing the working-class there then, and perhaps now as well.
******
“Big
Ivan” Smilga (called such for obvious reasons) had been out of work, steady
work anyway, the best part of a year after he (along with his work crew) had
been laid off by John Smiley and Son, the English textile firm working under
license from Tsar in Moscow. He had been called “redundant” (and of course the
crew as well) after the job he held as lead-man on a work crew that took the
rolls of finished fabric off the bobbing machines for further processing and
transport had been replaced by a machine which did the task automatically. He had
sulked and drunk himself silly for a while and then grabbed any work he could
find as he was running out of funds. (That course of action pursued only after
a “caper,” a Luddite caper, in which he and his crew snuck into the closed
Smiley factory one Saturday night and wreaked the hauling machinery only to
find that next Monday morning that it was replaced by an exact replica.
Fortunately he and the crew were never discovered and nobody snitched to the
Okhrana or he/they would be in Siberia just them). Grabbing whatever work he
could find entailed moving down the working-class scale as his once substantial
stash of cash was dwindling and as he came in contact with more nefarious types
at the workingmen’s taverns that he then more frequently hung out at to kill time.
One
night at the Golden Eagle Tavern (rough Russian translation and allegedly named
in honor of the Tsar) he ran into some workmen whom he knew and a few who were
not working men but students, maybe from Moscow University, who were talking in
the back room, talking quietly although not attempting to cover their voices or
the door which led into the back. One of the workmen, Vladimir Suslov, known to
him from his time at Smiley and Son, motioned him to come join the group. This
Suslov knew of Ivan’s ill-fated attempt to wreak the machinery at Smiley’s from
one night when Ivan had been too talkative and he had overheard Ivan speaking
of the attempts. What Vladimir, and one of the students, Nicolas Kamkov as he
found out later, had to say was that things had become intolerable in Russia,
that the sons and daughters of the land needed a reprieve, that the growing
working- class needed relief and that the students (they called themselves the
“intelligentsia”) needed to be able to breath and say whatever they wanted. And
this motley group of students and workmen had a plan to solve this problem.
Nicolas
let Suslov tell the broad outline of the plan. The idea, like something out of
the People’s Will movement of blessed if now distant memory, was rather than
try to assassinate governmental officials like in the wild old days, instead to
take them hostage, hostages to be returned for various grants of relief for
peasants, workers and students. Suslov looked directly at Ivan when he asked
who was in and who was out. Ivan nodded, or half-nodded, that he was in. (He later
said he feared some Suslov indiscretion more, especially if he was caught, more
than the very real doubts he initially expressed about the plot). Since
everybody in the room expressed an interest they began to plan. The main idea
for hostage number one, the Tsar’s finance minister, was that Ivan was to do
the strong-arm work one evening at the minister’s home. So the planning went on
over the next few days. Then just as quickly it was over as a knock came on
Ivan’s door one night and when he opened it there was Daniev, the local Okhrana
official with Suslov in tow. Suslov had betrayed him (and the others), in order
to get out from under his own hard time as a ring-leader. Ivan was thereafter banished
to Siberia for two years, a hard two year, for even thinking about the idea of
kidnapping the Tsar’s minister.
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